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The musical bridge between Judaism and Christianity links the latter faith
to over 2,000 years of Hebraic culture covered in the Old Testament. Examples
of the folk musical tradition—that is, the music of the people—include
references to a number of instruments for accompaniment including lyres, harps,
tambourines, and other percussion. The textual evidence suggests dance and
music were instrumental in almost every aspect of life. The Old Testament includes
later reference to professional worship music, especially following the construction
of temple of Solomon in about 900 B.C. Dual-reed pipes were played during specific
religious events such as Passover and the Feast of Tabernacles. For the most
part, however, the early music seems to have been impromptu displays of deep
emotion created as a response to significant events. Perhaps most important
was the spontaneous music created in response to David’s victory over
the Philistines in the first book of Samuel. The Hebrew word anah,
which means “to respond,” emerged at this moment and persists to
the present day when describing “Jewish antiphonal singing” (psalms
with short refrains placed between verses). The shift away from music ecstasy
to “liturgical music of a more contemplative kind, formal, symbolic,
and ritualized” began in the Old Testament and was largely adopted in
Christian practice, as deliberate counterpoint to the “possessive” potential
of music and “associations with debauchery and immorality” (Wilson-Dickson
1992).
The Rise of Christian Music
In contrast to the Old Testament, there is little reference to music in
the New Testament. Jewish practice of temple worship was adapted and reinvented
into Christianity. For example, upon their conversion, those who led singing
in the synagogue also led it in their new Christian faith. In other words,
since “Christians saw their faith as a completion of Judaism, they were
able to continue to use many parts of Jewish liturgy” (Wilson-Dickson
1992). But there is little written evidence of the actual music used in worship
by either the Christian or Jewish community from the time of Jesus Christ through
the seventh century A.D. Since the two faiths share many common foundations,
a look at highly orthodox Jewish worship of the present day when compared with
ancient musical sources reveals some possibilities of what ancient Christian
music was like. But those Eastern traditions that worshipped in the vernacular
especially laid the foundations for traditions that are alive today, even as
other strains of Christianity greatly evolved with time. Still, even as Christians
were composing an array of new songs that celebrated the particulars of their
own faith, the Old Testament continued to be the source of much of Christianity’s
musical tradition. Perhaps most notable is the compilation of 150 psalms (traditionally
attributed to David, who himself gleaned inspiration from ancient Biblical
sources) which “have produced remarkably consistent patterns of musical
setting” for some 3,000 years (Wilson-Dickson 1992).
Fifteen Centuries of Christian Music
Christianity suffered through three centuries of persecution in the name
of conspiracy, treason, and heresy. Christian fortune changed when the Emperor
Constantine converted to the faith and granted freedom of worship throughout
the Roman Empire. After the fall of the empire, the hierarchy of the church
gained strength and control, particularly under Pope Leo the Great in the middle
of the fifth century and Gregory the Great at the end of the sixth century.
Since written music notation had not yet been created, a Spanish nun’s
pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the fifth century is one of few existing records
about it. She describes morning worship complete with call-and-response psalm
reading and recitation as well as hymns accompanying the bishop to the cross
and to the sanctuary where the baptized Christians took Holy Communion. The
importance of music is clearly stressed in the account, summing up that “[a]mong
all these details this is very plain, that psalms or antiphons are always sung;
those at night, those in the morning, and those through the day” (Wilson-Dickson
1992).
Monophonic Gregorian chants, or plainchants, are incorrectly attributed
to Gregory the Great. Though his work to create a more standardized liturgy
was critical, the chants emerged out of the monastic tradition. Benedict
of Nursia from the early sixth century developed a rule of prayer that divided
the day in prayer, work, and study. The religious tradition of Christian
monks combined with numerical bases and mercantilism to help shape the standardized
hours of the day. The schedule included regular singing of hymns and chanted
passages of scripture. Hymns, it should be noted, were simply defined as
a “song in praise of God,” and while chants generally stayed
close to scripture, new and more ornate compositions began to emerge from
the three musical traditions: “cantillation (prayers, readings, psalms),
free composition…[and] new poems set to music (hymns)” (Wilson-Dickson
1992).
These foundations became integral to Christian worship, and
such rituals from vespers to mass were developed to praise and reflect
upon the majesty of God. For a thousand years the Christian musical tradition
was passed down orally and aurally, until the development of musical notation
(especially the work of the Italian monk Guido D’Arezzo from the
early eleventh century) allowed vast new possibilities for arrangements
that became increasingly intricate with an emerging multiplicity of sounds
called “polyphony.” About the time of the Renaissance, new
harmonic progressions were added to the layered melodies. It is out of
such a rich musical foundation that sects during the Reformation began
to develop separate branches of musical traditions that were taken up by
Christian missionaries and carried throughout the world (Wilson-Dickson
1992).
A Brief Look at Orthodox Traditions
Christian musical traditions in Western Europe and the Americas developed
distinct regional qualities that have evolved with the times and the emerging
religious factions and movements of recent centuries. In the meantime, however,
worship in the Orthodox Church maintained direct ties with its rich and multiplicitous
past, allowing for Orthodox Christians to “retain a sense of identity
through the ancient liturgy” (Wilson-Dickson 1992). Various orthodoxies,
both ancient and more recent independent branches, developed music customs
that kept strong roots in the early Orthodox traditions that developed out
of the splintering from the Roman Church in the fourth and fifth centuries
following Emperor Constantine’s establishment of the center of this new
Christian empire in Byzantium (later renamed Constantinople).
The liturgy
of the Orthodox Church became the religious sanctuary that members relied
upon during the uncertain centuries of Ottoman rule following the fall of
the Byzantine Empire. Examples today range from the Greek Orthodox focus
on the human voice in chant and hymn to the lively and emotional litany of
the Coptic Church of Egypt. In all these traditions branching from the original
separation from the Roman church, music is fully integrated with worship: “As
in the Orthodox Church, music [in Coptic worship] is an inseparable part
of the liturgy and the whole service is sung from beginning to end—the
music being not so much a way of worshipping, but worship itself” (Wilson-Dickson
1992).
Psalm Versification in Europe and the Evolution of American Church Music
Nearly a century before the first permanent English settlement in North
America, Spanish missionaries spread their faith and music in the New World,
where their first cathedral was charted in 1512 in Santo Domingo. By the middle
of the sixteenth century, both the Spanish and French had established themselves
in present day Florida, and the latter had on hand the early psalm versifications
made by converts to Reformed Protestant sects. Such “[m]etrical psalms
set to unison melodies would become the only music for many churches on the
Continent, in England, and subsequently in America” (Ogasapian 2007).
Psalters, or individual psalm compilations, began cropping up as early as the
1530s, though such versifications caused the exile of authors such as Clement
Marot along with the reformist John Calvin, whose first Psalter was printed
in Strasbourg in 1539.
Following the end of papal authority in England
with the 1534 Act of Supremacy, certain alliances and protectorships following
Henry VIII’s death helped align the English church with Calvin as he
was drafting early editions of the “Book of Common Prayer.” His
work helped establish in the English vernacular the first complete sets of
English metrical Psalms from the middle of the century. For example, Robert
Crowley’s Psalter of David set to “a single tune…[was]
adapted from the Gregorian seventh tone and set Faburden-style with melody
in the tenor harmonized with voices above and below” (Ogasapian 2007).
The
1547 publication of nineteen metrical psalm translations, titled Certayne
Psalmes Chosen out of the Psalter of David and Drawen into English Metre
by Thomas Sternhold, Groome of Ye Kings Maiesties Roobes, would go
through over 600 editions with numerous additional translated psalms (notably
those by John Hopkins) and additions (including a metrical setting of the
Ten Commandments) well into the early nineteenth century. Psalmody--described
as “congregational music that was simple, scriptural, and singable”—was
born, and it was particularly popular in smaller parish churches because
it consisted of “short repeated stanzas in clear English, set syllabically
to easy tunes in familiar style” (Ogasapian 2007).
A number
of psalmody styles found their way into the English colonies, from the
Sternhold and Hopkins (or Old Version) to editions by Henry Ainsworth
and other Genevian Psalters (where English Protestants had been exiled
during the reign of Mary I). Some well-educated ministers endeavored
to prepare a new translation free from corruption, which resulted in The
Whole Booke of Psalmes Faithfully Translated into English Metre,
also known as the “Bay Psalm Book.” Published at the recently
founded Harvard College in Cambridge, it was the “first book produced
in the Colonies” (Ogasapian 2007).
Near the end of the seventeenth
century, Colonial Anglicans brought the New Version--though, until
some ministries began importing English psalm books, singing teachers,
and organs, the quality of singing had greatly deteriorated. The movement
saw publication of texts emphasizing the importance of singing and
resulted in the unexpected grouping of singing school members that
became the predecessor of modern choirs of particular important in
Southern gospel. Furthermore, American focus on preaching and pietism—which
focused on the individual response and personal emotion—encouraged
religious revival during the Great Awakening.
Out of the religious
fervor a new and distinctively American style emerged, like that
of William Billings, who published hundreds of psalm tunes and anthems
for choirs in six collections over 30 years. The New-England
Psalm-Singer of 1770 was “the first collection of music
by a single American composer” (Ogasapian 2007). While his
compositions were geared solely toward all-male choirs, subsequent
composers began integrating female parts, and even saw major shifts
of the melody from the tenor to the soprano. Also, immigrant musicians
through the eighteenth century caused an influx of European musical
influence that began to blend with native tunesmiths and set the
stage for a multifaceted urban church music that enhanced worship
and drew crowds (Ogasapian 2007).
American Southern Gospel Music
With the nascent democracy and new social interests, modes of evangelical
piety developed in numerous parishes and cities throughout America, and the
revival eras of the nineteenth century were born. While eighteenth century
churches were segregated, many free urban blacks in the North had formed entirely
separate congregations by the turn of the century. An early stereotype was
propagated that “African Americans…have a natural affinity for
music” that was supported by Thomas Jefferson: “[Blacks] are more
generally gifted than the whites with accurate ears for tune and time.” The
positive stereotype saw fruition in early schools where black singing masters
taught whites (Ogasapian 2007).
In 1801, the first African-American
book of hymns appeared: pastor Richard Allen’s Collection of Spiritual
Songs and Hymns. Though it wasn’t a major departure stylistically
from its antecedents, whites attending black parishes in the first decades
of the nineteenth century were affected by the distinctive style, movement,
and total experience of the singing, choir, and shouting that had roots in
revivals and camp meetings. Letters of the time included references to “the
merry chorus manner of the southern harvest field” and the spiritual,
or “the alternating call-and-response style of the slave song, and
indeed, of African music” (Ogasapian 2007).
Countless musical
traditions of Africa mixed with Christian worship practices to develop
unique rhythmic forms imbued with deep, spiritual emotion which were driven
by congregational participation related to culture and memory, rather than
the written harmonies and counterpoint of the Western tradition. The musicality
of Africa was transplanted to America with the slave trade that began in
the sixteenth century. The mixing of cultures in America during the era
is the foundation of the gospel tradition (as well as the basis of that
uniquely American musical genre, jazz) that defines Christian worship in
independent churches with roots in the south of the United States (Wilson-Dickson
1992).
In short, African musical traditions met Christianity, as
blacks slowly converted to the faith that offered hope and the potential
for delivery from oppression. At first, blacks attended white churches.
Though segregated, when the slaves took hold of the hymns, they impressed
upon the congregation a quality that Andrew Wilson-Dickson describes
as “a life and vigour…which the whites could not fail to
notice” (1992). Late in the eighteenth century, blacks were allowed
to form independent churches and further developed foundational hymnals
and musical traditions out of the popular camp meetings and spirituals.
The lyrics, of course, were adapted from the Bible and the English hymnal
tradition.
Wilson-Dickson identifies the first printed use of the
term “gospel” from a 1874 collection entitled Gospel
Songs, A Choice Collection of Hymns and Tunes, New and Old, for Gospel
Meetings, Sunday School. Clearly evident is the integration of
worship and music. But black gospel wouldn’t be able to fully
assert its identity until the 1920s in spite of having older roots
(1992). The genre in general hit its stride following World War II,
and at its height of popularity in the 1950s it was defined by broadening
styles, new niches, and musical experimentation in which everyone got
involved.
The tumultuous period leading up to the civil rights
movement, however, propagated fear and created a divide along the
race line that segregated audiences which had previously been integrated--especially
for popular acts such as the Good Gate Quartet, perhaps the most
famous African-American group of the time (Goff Jr. 2002). But the
intensity of movement and expressive power of black gospel had immensely
talented and prolific proponents such as Thomas Andrew Dorsey (not
to be confused with trombonist and dance band leader Tommy Dorsey),
a jazz and blues composer and musician who switched to gospel music,
writing thousands of songs and founding the National Convention of
Gospel Choirs and Choruses. He is generally regarded as “the
father of gospel music” and his work helped establish the big
commercial business of black gospel (Wilson-Dickson 1992).
White
southern gospel developed its own set of conventions as well as
developing along commercial lines. Songwriters such as Lee Roy
Abernathy and Thomas Mosie Lister pitched original material directly
to gospel quartets independent of music publishing companies, pointing
the industry in new directions. With the Civil Rights era, a blending
of gospel influences occurred to help shape a contemporary gospel
style that was defined by exciting new sounds that lured larger
audiences to the message of gospel music. However, the changes “threatened
to redefine the method and scope of worship in Christian America” as
contemporary Christian music and new media altered the religious
landscape (Goff Jr. 2002).
Contemporary Christian Music
While the idea of Christian rock and pop has been controversial, many
musicians have embraced the new form of music as an expression of the so-called
Jesus Movement (sometimes couched within the contentious Fourth Great Awakening)
of recent decades. Contemporary Christian Music Magazine (CCM)
identifies a kind of spiritual renewal that is celebrated across many denominations
of Christianity in America. Though the history of Christian music hasn’t
been abandoned—indeed, southern gospel lends an immediate influence—many
artists have chosen to take risks and break stylistically from the past. CCM identifies
the five major themes taken up by lyrically by these musicians: the son and
the father, the holy spirit, end times or apocalypse, evangelism, and praise
and worship.
In particular, praise and worship songs within the Jesus
Movement have a transformational power, affecting the very manner in which
people worship. Yet the source for many of these songs remains in the Psalms
and the Gospels. When CCM recently compiled a list of their choices
for the 100 Greatest Songs in Christian Music, “between one-third
and one-half of all the songs…could be considered praise and worship
songs. But,” as Steve Rabey acknowledges in his introduction to the
compilation, “this shouldn’t be surprising, as Christian music
is created and performed not only for human ears but for a heavenly audience
that shares with us in the praise and worship we offer up” (Taff et
al. 2006).
Ultimately, the five themes have variously always been at
the heart of Christian music. Ideally, it seems clear that the end objective
for composers of Christian music is to earn God’s grace and eternal
salvation after a humble life lived in the service of a creator. This was
certainly true of the author of the Psalms and remains true of musicians
today who adapt and reinvent millennia-old texts or compose original ideas.
Original, that is, to the extent that the inspiration and the final judge
are one in the same. If there were any question as to the legitimacy of
the music of the Jesus Movement, it was stamped out by a letter signed
by more than sixty artists and music executives working within the genre
and featured in CCM in 1986: “The letter urged an end to
all negative…reviews…[since] true success is serving God
and touching people’s lives.”
The aim of the letter was
to remind the magazine and its readers that the work of these artists
is not economically based, but rooted in a “pure form of ministry” (Taff
et al. 2006). In other words, there was no place for negativity in reviews
because the magazine should not be critical of an individual’s
positive spiritual expression. It would be akin to writing a scathing
review of the Psalms. The list is populated with such prolific recording
artists as The Gaithers, Larnelle Harris, and dc talk (who achieved mainstream
success with the 1995 release of Jesus Freak), as well as crossover
artists from the last couple of decades including Amy Grant, Michael
W. Smith, Jars of Clay and, more recently, Third Day, Switchfoot, Mercy
Me, and P.O.D. But even the spiritually zealous and dedicated musician
Keith Green, who turned down a lucrative contract to provide his final
album “on a free-will offering basis,” the profits from which
would support missions and causes, didn’t achieve the top spot.
That belongs to Rich Mullins, whose 145th Psalm-inspired “Awesome
God” represents Mullin’s “view of Christianity as something
you do, not something you talk about” (Taff et al. 2006).
Still,
in the early years of the twenty-first century, Christian music sales
have exceeded $600 million annually and show no sign of slowing down.
While Christian music continues to evolve and reach new audiences around
the world, it nevertheless stays appropriately close to that driving
force behind the inspiration: the message of Christian salvation (Goff
Jr. 2002). Debate has stirred over the place of Christian rock and
pop in the church itself, but whether or not it finds a home within
the places of worship, it will continue—as with all thriving
traditions and movements throughout the world—to coexist within
Christianity as an expression of faith, just like the traditional hymns
and psalmody that have been in use by Christians for over two thousand
years.
-- Posted June 10, 2008
References
Goff Jr., James R. 2002. Close Harmony: A History of Southern Gospel. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.
Ogasapian, John. 2007. Church Music in America, 1620-2000. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press.
Taff, Tori, Christa Farris, Caroline Mitchell, Stephanie Ottosen, Jay Swartzendruber, Michael Tenbrink, and Chris Well, eds. 2006. CCM Magazine Presents 100 Greatest Songs in Christian Music. Nashville, TN: Integrity Publishers.
Wilson-Dickson, Andrew. 1992. The Story of Christian Music. Oxford, England: Lion Publishing.